The Meiji oligarchs, in the name of the emperor, "gave" a constitution to the Japanese people in 1889. Modeled after "the greatest government in the world," the British, the constitution created a parliament led by a prime minister and a cabinet technically under the leadership of the prime minister but, in fact, under the control of the Meiji oligarchy. Real power resided in the privy council, which was inhabited by the oligarchy. While the emperor was defined as both divine and the commander in chief of the military, in reality he enjoyed little actual power.
In addition to the prime minister, the cabinet included the heads of the military and civil bureaucracies, who were both selected independently of the parliament and therefore could not be controlled by parliament. If either of these two men resigned his position, the cabinet would dissolve and the prime minister's party would face a new round of elections.
The House of Peers, the upper house, was composed of wealthy and influential men appointed by the oligarchy. The House of Representatives was the only elected body. While no one expected it to have much influence, its power of budget approval made it a force to be reckoned with.
The last of the old oligarchs died in 1924. Until their demise, the oligarchs had their fingers in every political jar. The constitution had been written with the assumption that they would either live forever or be able to hand-pick their own successors. Neither happened. While the oligarchs were dying off, their power slipping away, parliament and both civil and military bureaucrats all vied for position to succeed the oligarchy as the repository of political authority. Civil Bureaucrats, who had passed a battery of rigorous, challenging examinations, felt best qualified to fill the void. Military bureaucrats claimed exclusive, preeminent knowledge of and domain over military and foreign affairs. And the House of Representatives, as the only popularly elected body in the government, claimed that it could most accurately reflect the will of the people.
With the election of Hara Kei in 1918, the House seemed to have gained the upper hand. However, political parties spent too much time consolidating their own power, hoping to fend off rival bureaucrats. As a result of this continued war, parliament failed to address the issues that concerned the Japanese electorate. Hara and his party successors gained party loyalty, but never gained grass roots support.
The military also used its power to dissolve the cabinet whenever it made an unfavorable decision, undermining parliament's ability to accomplish anything constructive.
Percentage of males attending elementary school
1890 - 49%
1900 - 82%
1910 - 98%
1920 - 99%
1930 - 99.5%
In order to modernize and industrialize effectively, the Meiji oligarchs placed a great emphasis on education. Both boys and girls were educated, though in different ways. Class and gender no longer determined who would or would not receive an education or a position in the new government.
Education was meant to train
As the threat of Western invasion and dominance
abated, one question began to emerge: when should the government get involved
in the relations between labor and business? Conservatives cried,
"Never!" They claimed that government had no place meddling in the
"family affairs" or owners and their workers. If
During 1920s, leaders faced the government's first serious challenge since peasant riots of the 1880s. Labor disputes and peasant unrest skyrocketed until 1930s. Many protests were led by college students. These events were extremely disturbing to leaders. Their "pool of potential elite" were the ones becoming radicalized. Unrest was also fueled by a tremendous economic slowdown (GDP was almost halved from 1910-1920). Rollercoaster "boom" and "bust" cycles led to a significant number of business failures. Those who claimed that businessmen treated their employees like family clearly ignored the growing scale of the workplace.
1882 - 51,200
1899 - 425,600
1909 - 776,700
1920 - 1,537,400
After wars with
1919
- Shidehara & others go to
-Japanese did attack German holdings in Pacific and
- Japanese had negotiated for its spoils -
- Allies decide this would be a violation of
Chinese rights (Hong Kong,
1919-20 - Great Britain, France, U.S., Japan - 4 Powers Consortium -attempt to help coordinate the funneling of goods into China- mostly a fear of imbalance of power - also famine relief, charity, etc.
¥
2nd setback - Critics insulted that these rights
were so difficult to obtain. West considers it a favor instead of
1921-22 - Washington Conference (since
-renounces use of force, bilateral treaties
denounced.
-
3rd setback - Japanese navy splits, Parliament agrees to 6, but Shidehara criticized
1930 - London Conference - held to finish business of Washington Conference
-this time Japanese adamant - must be 10:10:7
-
4th setback -
5th setback - 1929 Depression -
-"Trading Blocs" -
Shidehara's policy depended on using Chinese
warlord Chang Tso-Lin to suppress opposition on the
mainland. The military began to worry when the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT)
began to move into
Chiang's potential success threatened Chang Tso-Lin, who controlled Manchuria on behalf of
Soldiers had hoped that Chang's son, who was known
for his love of fast cars, fast women, and alcohol, would fold under the
pressure of his father's death and allow them to rule
By 1929, Shidehara diplomacy was in a shambles. The
West's support for